The Burnham Programme
A Twelve-Year Programme for National Renewal
Responding to the news: youth jobs

The youth jobs crisis is a high street crisis

Next's boss says entry-level work is falling sharply. That warning is real. The answer is not worse jobs for young people. It is a state that makes hiring young people rational again.

19applications per Next shop vacancy, up from 10 two years ago
Youthunemployment is the pressure point named in the BBC interview
AIand automation are reducing routine entry routes

What the warning gets right

Lord Wolfson is right about one thing: the first rung of the labour market is breaking. Retail, hospitality and basic administration used to absorb young people without experience. Those jobs gave them habits, references, confidence and a wage. When those roles disappear, the damage is not just a line in the unemployment figures. It is a generation delayed at the point of entry.

The BBC report frames the argument around higher minimum wages, employer National Insurance, zero-hours reform and automation. Those pressures exist. But the conclusion cannot be that young people should accept weaker rights or lower pay. If the economy can only employ the young by making them insecure, the model is the thing that has failed.

The question is not whether businesses face a hiring cost. They do. The question is whether the state should reduce that cost in a way that rewards genuine new jobs, or whether it should simply let the weakest workers carry the risk.

The programme answer

Targeted employer NI relief

The programme cuts employer National Insurance most heavily in sectors that still need human labour: social care, hospitality, construction, skilled trades, early years and local services. A blanket cut wastes money where AI is reducing headcount anyway. A targeted cut supports the jobs that actually exist for young people outside the graduate pipeline.

Headcount investment credit

Firms that grow headcount year on year receive an additional tax credit. That matters because reducing the tax on existing jobs is not enough. The policy has to reward the marginal hire. If a retailer, cafe, care provider or building firm takes on an extra young worker, the tax system should recognise that choice directly.

High streets as job infrastructure

Entry-level work disappeared as high streets weakened. The programme attacks the causes together: land value tax replacing business rates, hospitality VAT at 12.5%, quarterly leisure weeks to drive footfall, civil service dispersal to create weekday demand, and public land release to bring empty units back into use. A revived high street is not nostalgia. It is employment infrastructure.

The 16 to 22 route

The education programme brings 16 to 18 study into the university system and expands degree apprenticeships. Young people should not leave education into a labour market that asks for experience they were never given a chance to acquire. The route from 16 to 22 has to include real employers, real vocational years and real paid work.

The dividing line

The old argument says young workers are too expensive. The programme says the state has been too passive. It taxed work, hollowed out high streets, let transport costs rise, let housing costs trap mobility, and then acted surprised when the first job disappeared.

The answer is not a labour market where a young person has fewer rights than everyone else. The answer is a programme that makes hiring, training and retaining them the rational thing for employers to do.

Read Work in the Age of AI Read High Street Regeneration Read the 16 to 22 education route

What happens if nothing changes

Automation will keep replacing low-complexity tasks. Online retail will keep reducing shop-floor labour. Employers will keep asking for experience from people trying to get their first experience. The result is a labour market with a missing entrance.

The Burnham Programme treats that as a national economic failure. A country that cannot give its young people a first job cannot plausibly claim to have a growth strategy.

The Victorians did not do Treasury Green Book assessments. They just built.

The ambition ceiling is a choice, not a constraint.

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The Burnham Programme is an independent policy document. It was not written by Andy Burnham and as of has not been endorsed by him.